Academic Origins of Major Ideas
(with academic citations)
The term Nican Tlaca has been a part of the historical record for nearly 500 years.
A small segment from page 641 of James Lockhart's 1992 book showing Nican Tlaca as being equated with a “term for indigenous people”. (Lockart would assert the same meaning to Nican Tlaca in his next book in 1993).
3. James Lockhart (1993)
Seen above: a small segment from page 331 of James Lockhart's 1993 book showing Nican Tlaca as being equated with a “term for indigenous people”.
“Likewise the natives did not call themselves Indians, and in fact it was not until nearly a half century after the conquest that any term arose to describe the natives to themselves, usually appearing as Nican Tlaca [emphasis added]” (Schwaller, 1993, p. 762).
In his book Our Lady of Guadalupe: The Origins and Sources of a Mexican National Symbol 1531-1797, historian Stafford Poole notes that the term Nican Tlaca was being used well into the 1600s. In particular, the term shows up in a written account of "Indian miracles" claimed to come from "The Virgin":
"The story of the Indian miraculously restored to life at the time of the dedication parade contains no Spanish loan words and uses the older term nican tlaca for natives (Poole, 1995, p. 122).(Note: Poole's book deals with "La Virgen de Tepeyac" and debunks the entire "Juan Diego appearance" story by showing how no official records exist for the story with the local Catholic Bishop during the years the event was claimed to occur.)
Also in 1995, in his review of James Lockhart's book We People Here: Nahuatl Accounts of the Conquest of Mexico, Poole makes a reference to the usage of the term Nican Tlaca:
“The "people here" (nican tlaca) also showed relatively little interest in the Spaniards as such” (Poole, 1995, p. 225).
8. Susan Schroeder (2010)
Describing the Colonial-era historian Chimalpahin in The Conquest All Over Again: Nahuas and Zapotecs, Thinking, Writing, and Painting Spanish Colonialism, Susan Schroeder remarks about him being "an ardent Nahua paisan" and that:
"...here we have a genuine, almost unique, display of pan-Indianism that is nontypical of the micropatriotism [emphasis added] always attributed to Mesoamerican ethnic societies. This, of course, could be a reflection of the seventeenth-century colonial nican titlaca (we people here) phenomenon..." (Schroeder, 2010, p. 117).
9. Louise A. Breen (2012)
In a recent book titled Converging worlds: communities and cultures in colonial America, the following statement re-confirms the use of nican tlaca an an identity label:
The term "Indian" used in Spanish documents usually refers to naturales (natives) of the New World. In the indigenous Nahuatl-language documents of Mesoamerica the native authors refer to themselves as nican tlaca, or "here people" (Breen, 2012, p. 83).
The term can also be found within The Florentine Codex from the mid-1500s.
E. Cardoza Orozoco (1966) / Jack Forbes (1973)
“Nobody listens to a foreigner or a second-class citizen. Persons of Mexican ancestry are relegating themselves to a second-class status by hyphenation...”
“In order to abolish this second-class position, this total foreignness, this difference between the minority group and the majority, a term has been coined by several persons of Mexican ancestry. This term is MESHICA and is also spelled MEXICA” (Forbes, 1973, pp. 170-171).
“Racially, the modern Spaniard probably carries relatively few indigenous genes, the latter having been greatly overwhelmed by Carthaginian, Celtic, Latin-Roman, Germanic, Arab, Moorish, Berber, Jewish, black African, and Gitano intermixture. In both a racial and culture sense, then, the Spaniard is profoundly a mestizo” (Forbes, 1973, p. 180).
“The mestizo concept, as used by the Spaniards, by white ruling cliques, and by social scientists, is an anti-Indian, psychologically paralyzing tool of colonialism” (Forbes, 1973, p. 204).
“Mestizos are the contingent of the 'de-Indianized' Indians” (Batalla, 1996, p.17).
“Traditional campesinos do not think of themselves as Indians, even though their culture is predominantly Indian” (Batalla, 1996, p.58).
(It should be noted that this is the very method used to date the earliest beginnings of Minoan civilization, and in so doing, the beginnings of an allegedly "Greek" civilization).
“The oppressed peoples of the world are struggling to liberate themselves from both the material and psychological forces of imperialism...Many people are castrated by feelings of racial and cultural inferiority implanted by European colonists and their neocolonist successors” (Forbes, 1973, p. 204).
“Today, few serious students on the subject would put the hemispheric figure at less than 75,000,000 to 100,000,000” (Stannard, 1996, p. 11).
“...the total extermination of many American Indian peoples and the near-extermination of others, in numbers that totaled close to 100,000,000” (Stannard, 1996, p. 151).
“With a conventionally estimated population of 350,000 residents by the end of the fiteenth century, this teeming Aztec city already had at least five times the population of either London or Seville, and was vastly larger than any other European city” (Stannard, 1992, pp. 3-4).
“The relatively minor difference in technology between the two communities [Indigenous vs. Europeans] , and the impact of Eastern Hemisphere diseases upon Western Hemisphere communities, can be explained in terms of the settlement history of the Western Hemisphere and its consequences. The Americas were not conquered; they were infected [emphasis added]” (Blaut, 1993, p 186).
“...it is at best an absurdity to contend that attrition through disease represents anything approximating a 'benign' explanation for the complete extermination of numerous North American native peoples – or the near-total disappearance of the 'race' as a whole – between 1600 and 1900. To the contrary, based on evidence the presumption should be... that the waves of epidemic disease that afflicted indigenous populations during these centuries were deliberately induced, or at least facilitated, by European invaders” (Churchill, 1997, p. 156).
“It is well worth noting that in that age and upon that continent an American native race practiced compulsory education for all and that Mexican child of the sixteenth century, whatever his social origin, was deprived of schooling” (Soustelle, 1962, p. 173).
"Anahuac" as a nation
1. Guillermo Bonfil Batalla (1996)
" Independence created a new sociopolitical entity, Mexico, or "Anahuac", as was suggested at one point" (Batalla, 1996, p.97).
When "Mexico" achieved formal "independence" from Spain in 1821, its territory extended from modern-day Mexico to the far north in the "U.S. Southwest"... far beyond the original conception of Anahuac in its earlier form.
In fact, this version of Anahuac would encompass the majority of "North America".
“The surface of the earth, Cemanahuac, meant "land surrounded by water...Cemanahuac was the model for all centers established on it, and each of these centers was a world in miniature, enclosing and enclosed by other, structurally similar centers” (Elzey, 1991, p. 128).
“Ometeotl is known by many other names, such as Tonantzin... and Tlazolteotl” (Forbes, 1973, p. 56).
“We can summarize the [ancient] Mexican concept of The Ultimate Reality by saying that it is a great, creative, active, force or power possessing the quality of self-creation” and that with its Masculine and Feminine qualities, “it can give birth to 'thoughts' which are cosmic forces (sometimes described as 'lesser gods') and to 'thoughts' which are visible things that we call the earth, matter, living things, and so on” (Forbes, 1973, p. 56).
“The vast complexity becomes profound simplicity when we realize that for the seers of Mesoamerica who elaborated this marvelous system, all observed reality, all the gods and spiritual forces, are finally manifestations on various planes of 'reality' of the unitary essence of all being that is complete and of itself” (Markman and Markman, 1992, pp. 61-62).
“History has shown that every race or nation of people needs it own center for intellectual and artistic development, its own university, its own center for assisting in the self-realization of its entire people” (Forbes, 1973, p. 245)
“Our noble heritages are as great as any other on the face of the earth. We do not have to prove that they are worthy of “preservation” (Forbes, 1973, p. 246).
Coe, M. D. (1994). Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs. (4:e upplagan. ed.). London: Thames and Hudson.
Cortes, H., & Pagden, A. (2001). Hernan Cortes - Letters from Mexico. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Dibble, C. E., & Anderson, A. J. (1977). Florentine codex.. ([Reprint]. ed.). Santa Fe: The School of American research and the Univ. of Utah.
Lockhart, James, and Bernardino de Sahagún. We people here: Nahuatl accounts of the conquest of Mexico. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993. Print.
Poole, S. (1995). We People Here: Nahuatl Accounts of the Conquest of Mexico. Anthropological Linguistics, 37(2), 225.
Schwaller, J. F. (1993). The Nahuas after the Conquest: A Social and Cultural History of the Indians of Central Mexico, Sixteenth Through Eighteenth Centuries. The Sixteenth Century Journal, 24(3), 762.